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- Biblical Theology and the Johannine Literature
- Oscar Cullmann
- Cullmann, Christ and Time the Primitive Christian Conception of Time
Biblical Theology and the Johannine Literature
Larry Hurtado. Download PDF. A short summary of this paper. Because the views of Wilhelm Bousset expressed in Kyrios Christos have dominated the study of NT Christology heretofore, the following discus- sion is also a critique of Bousset organized around key issues in his book. But before I turn to this critique, it may be helpful to summarize quickly the nature of Bousset's work. Geburtstag, eds. Baltens- weiler and B. Reicke Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, ; H.
For a helpful survey of various approaches to Christology in systematic theology, see J. For a friendly but not uncritical evaluation, see N. Although Kyrios Christos has proved enduring in its influence, the book also reveals the time-bound situation of its author, particularly his own religious convic- tions of a now quaint, Old Liberal bent. Though it is a major characteristic of modern NT Christology that Bousset's positions on several issues have dominated all subsequent research, it has to be said that, whatever the power of the book itself, part of the continued influence of Kyrios Christos is owed to Bultmann, who heartily endorsed Bousset's views on nearly all points and raised up many disciples.
Three characteristics of Kyrios Christos come to mind easily: an emphasis upon knowledge of Jewish and pagan back- ground as indispensable for scientific study of earliest Christology, atten- tion to the process of development of Christology and the factors in early Christianity that provoked this development, and the sheer size of the scholarly effort reflected in the book.
All these characteristics, of course, are true of the work of the history-of-religions school as a whole. In the present paper I wish to show how the discussion has moved beyond Bousset and, indeed, has rendered questionable some of his positions. For reasons of space, I select three areas of discussion: Bousset's view of early Christianity as divisible into the two pre-Pauline stages of Jewish Christianity and Hellenistic Christianity, his view of the earliest form of Christology as an apocalyptic Son of Man Christology, and his contention that the Kyrios title reflected a Christology that was possible only in a non-Palestinian setting dominated by pagan religious influence.
It should be noted that even the more recent studies which call in question Bousset's views on these and other matters owe something to 3 Bousset, Kyrios Christos This is noted by Perrin, "Reflections" The present generation of NT students knows of these cate- gories most forcefully through Bultmann's writings, where this twofold scheme is used often. I am by no means the first, however, to point out that such division of early Christianity is now highly questionable. It is clear that, though influences stemming from the OT, from rabbinic and Jewish-sectarian groups, as well as from Greek sources can be detected in the culture of first-century Palestine, these influences were all simultaneously at work making the cultural background of the earliest Christians far too complex to reduce into rigid categories of "Jewish" and "Hellenistic.
This twofold scheme is usually credited to W. II Note recently A. Important works include S. Kee points out, "The result of Hengel's endeavor is a work that calls for reassessment of nearly every rule-of-thumb generali- zation repeated endlessly by handbooks and by pronouncements of lesser scholars—such as the simple distinction between Palestinian Judaism and Hellenistic Judaism.
All evidence points to the obser- vation that, well in the Pauline period and beyond, the Church in all sectors was dominated by Christian Jews. When this observation is combined with the fact that a scant twenty years intervene between the death of Jesus and the earliest of Paul's letters, and that these letters reflect a well-developed Christology that on several points predates Paul's conversion, it becomes perilous indeed to continue to talk seriously of a creative, pre-Pauline Gentile Church.
That such significantly different notions are not only permissible but called for, I hope to demonstrate briefly in what follows. It is already clear, however, that the basic historical framework of Christological development that Bousset employed must now be regarded as simplistic and inaccurate.
Sevenster, Do You Know Greek? Leiden: Brill, ; J. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism 2 vols. Hengel's work does not deal with NT times but covers the periodfromAlexander the Great to about B. His work is of obvious relevance, however, for NT times. See also H. Balz, Methodische Probleme der neutestamentlichen Christologie Kee, review essay of Hengel in RelSRev 2 5. It was Bousset's book that helped force the Son of Man title to the forefront of research.
It is not necessary to detail the history of the Son of Man debate, as this has been done already. On this point Perrin was convinced that research done since Bousset "has validated Bousset's argument a hundred times over" A Modern Pilgrimage in New Testament Christology A very similar case was made by A. See also the scholars mentioned by Perrin, A Modern Pilgrimage The first and very important item to note is that a doubt is rapidly creeping among NT scholars as to whether there was in fact a well- established Son of Man expectation in pre-Christian Judaism.
The doubts were voiced a goodly time ago by C. A brief statement of the major reasons will have to do. First, it now appears clear that the Son of Man figure in Dan is a symbolic representation of the "saints of the Most High," as the explanatory context esp.
Secondly, the term as it appears in the contemporary Jewish literature does not seem to bear any titular signif- icance and does not seem to connote a well-known figure. Thirdly, the absence of any confessional use of the term in the New Testament and the somewhat ambiguous usage of the term that does occur there seems to support the idea that Son of Man was not a well-known, clear title.
A Modern Pilgrimage See also the discussion by L. Recently M. Briefly put, I believe the most likely hypothesis left is that Jesus used the term Son of Man as a self-description that had no previous titular significance for his hearers.
Further, the term was apparently not used as a confessional title, since it connoted nothing clearly titular either to Jew or to Greek. The Synoptic material does show, however, that the term was retained in the Jesus tradition as a kind of technical term character- istic of Jesus' self-description and that, in imitation of Jesus' usage, the term was further inserted in some Synoptic sayings. The point to emphasize here, however, is that Bousset's idea that Son of Man was a pre-Christian title with a clear and distinct meaning, and even an early Christian confessional title, now seems more and more like a piece of historical fiction.
It is now necessary to reopen the question of what may have been the earliest kind of Christology in the post-Easter Church.
Perrin, A Modern Pilgrimage , Thus the use of Kyrios would reflect a new and considerably heightened Christology developed in the Greek-speaking Church. Against Bousset's case two major points were made in the debate that followed. First, Rawlinson challenged Bousset's view that the use of Mar was in imitation of an initial Greek usage of Kyrios, insisting that the Maranatha formula found in 1 Cor was best understood as a relic of earlier Aramaic-speaking Christian usage; and Rawlinson contended that Bousset's attempts to deny any significance to the Maranatha phrase were unconvincing.
Most importantly, Schulz pointed to the fact that first-century Greek translations of the OT did not use Kyrios as a translation for YaKweh.
In this way the signifi- cance of the Maranatha phrase was minimized, as it might reflect only an undefined honorific status for Jesus. Schulz's arguments have found acceptance among several other stu- dents of Christology,39 but there are several reasons for questioning his thesis.
First, as we have seen already, the existence of a Son of Man Christology that is supposed to have found confessional expression in calling Jesus Mara seems unlikely ever to have existed; for the vital assumption that the Son of Man term had a pre-Christian titular signif- icance is now a most doubtful assumption indeed.
What is more, if there had been such a Son of Man Christology, it was never answered why Mara and not Son of Man was used in referring to Jesus in the eschato- logical petitions coming from the early Aramaic Church, such as the Maranatha formula. Secondly, as Foerster noted in answer to Bousset and as Hengel has insisted again, it is not so clear that Kyrios was the dominant cult-deity title that some have assumed. Thirdly, it still is likely that the use of Kyrios for Jesus owes much to the Jewish use of the title for Yahweh.
It does not minimize the significance of this to say, as Schulz does, that this happened among Diaspora Jews only. Is there clear evidence that Diaspora Jews were any less sensitive about God's honor and any more likely to blaspheme by using a divine title for Jesus without good reason?
Further, is it so clear in fact that the 38 Ibid. Boers, indeed, accepted completely Schulz's case and headed his discussion of Schulz's work "One Problem Resolved: Maranatha. On Philo and Josephus, see Schulz's view that the use of Kyrios among Greek-speaking Jews was a result of pagan religious influence is pure conjecture and not a likely one at that.
See literature cited in n. Let us not forget, as noted earlier in this paper, that Greek was a well-used language in Palestine, and a strict cultural separation between Palestinian and Diaspora Jews is exceedingly difficult to make. The historical data about the "Hellenization" of Palestine in the first century and the picture in Acts of "Hellenists" in the earliest Church means that the application of Kyrios to Jesus may go back in time and place to the earliest Church in Palestine.
There is now also an important fourth reason to reject Schulz's views. Thus the strict separation of the Aramaic-speaking Church from the Greek-speaking Church, so vital to the views of Bousset and others, seems much less likely now to reflect the actual situation.
See also M. Funk and G. Braun, "Meaning of New Testament Christology" 99, n. I have made no mention of the dubious attempts to represent early Christology as a presentation of Jesus along the lines of a supposedly ubiquitous theios oner motif. I refer to studies of the influence of the OT on early Christology. Dodd's work According to the Scriptures was seminal, but Lindars has surely put us all in his debt with his programmatic book New Testament Apologetic,49 As the studies of this subject appear, it becomes clear that a major factor in the remarkable and complex development of belief in Jesus was the early Christian use of the OT, a factor not given enough attention by the early history-of-religion scholars such as Bousset; and the proper way ahead 46 See the cautious words of D.
Longenecker and M. Tenney Grand Rapids: Zondervan, , and the literature cited there; and now C. See further studies by R. Topel in CBQ 39 Some criticisms of this line of investigation were given by G. Lindars and S.
Smalley Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. See the literature review by A. Yet, as I have tried to show, there has been a general direction of movement, particularly in recent years under the force of newer historical data and scholarly studies, and the movement seems to be away from Bousset's positions on several issues.
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Qty : Please note this title is sourced from overseas, and due to Coronavirus-related freight delays the estimated delivery time is 11 weeks. Hofmann was one of the most significant theologians of the 19th century and perhaps the century's most influential Lutheran theologian. Matthew L. Becker introduces us to Hofmann's trinitarian view of God. According to Hofmann, God freely chose to give himself out of divine love. Becker's book centers on Hofmann's understanding of history.
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Cullmann, Christ and Time the Primitive Christian Conception of Time
Bread of Life, have been offered instead of bread, stones, if not serpents. Another writertakes me for a kind of monster who delights in causing spiritual distress. Has M. My decision has been determined by the.
Report Download. The vigorous discussion which its publication has evoked makes it clear that the au-thor has dealt in a scholarly and vital way with a central issue of Biblical study and Christian theology. It is not surprising that a second German edition has been needed. The book has also appeared in French, and translations into other European languages are in process.
Oscar Cullman. Translated from German by Floyd V.
Любой шифр можно взломать - так гласит принцип Бергофского. Она чувствовала себя атеистом, лицом к лицу столкнувшимся с Господом Богом. - Если этот шифр станет общедоступным, - прошептала она, - криптография превратится в мертвую науку. Стратмор кивнул: - Это наименьшая из наших проблем. - Не можем ли мы подкупить Танкадо.
Когда она приблизилась к последнему контрольно-пропускному пункту, коренастый часовой с двумя сторожевыми псами на поводке и автоматом посмотрел на номерной знак ее машины и кивком разрешил следовать. Она проехала по Кэнин-роуд еще сотню метров и въехала на стоянку С, предназначенную для сотрудников. Невероятно, - подумала она, - двадцать шесть тысяч служащих, двадцатимиллиардный бюджет - и они не могут обойтись без меня в уик-энд. Она поставила машину на зарезервированное за ней место и выключила двигатель. Миновав похожую на сад террасу и войдя в главное здание, она прошла проверку еще на двух внутренних контрольных пунктах и наконец оказалась в туннеле без окон, который вел в новое крыло.
Сьюзан застыла в полутора метрах от экрана, ошеломленная увиденным, и все называла имя человека, которого любила. ГЛАВА 115 В голове Дэвида Беккера была бесконечная пустота. Я умер.